The Spectator, Friday 11 November 2005
It’s the demography, stupid, by Mark Steyn
New Hampshire
‘What does it matter where this path leads, nowhere or elsewhere, if the furrow
continues flowering, if the flash of lightning still inflames the night?’ writes
Dominique de Villepin, Prime Minister of the French Republic, in his 823-page
treatise on poetry. ‘If the poet still consumes himself, he refuses the
enclosures of thought, certainties, to camp in the heart of the mystery, in the
living spirit of the flame.’
Few people are as camp in the heart of the mystery as the flowery-furrowed M. de
Villepin, but after the last two weeks he may be less enthusiastic about all
those flashes inflaming the night. Poets, said Anatole France, are the
unacknowledged legislators of the world. But in making one of them an actual
acknowledged legislator the French have stretched the thesis beyond breaking
point. Few countries are in such desperate need of ‘the enclosures of thought’.
Instead, the Prime Minister has announced ‘a raft of measures’, although, as
rafts go, this one doesn’t seem likely to make it to shore. The measures include
‘the creation of an anti-discrimination agency’, ‘20,000 job contracts with
local government agencies’ reserved for those in the less fashionable
arrondissements, an extra E100 million for ‘associations’ in said
neighbourhoods, etc.
In other words, M. de Villepin’s prescribed course of treatment is to inject the
patient with a stronger dose of the disease. When you’ve got estranged
demographic groups with 50–60 per cent unemployment and an over-regulated
economy that restricts social mobility, lavish welfare is nothing more than
government-subsidised festering. That doesn’t seem a smart move.
My colleague Rod Liddle writes elsewhere in these pages about the media’s
strange reluctance to use the M-word vis-à-vis the rioting ‘youths’. I’m sure
he’s received, as I have, plenty of emails arguing that there’s no Islamist
component, they’re not the madrasa crowd, they may be Muslim but they’re secular
and Westernised and into drugs. It’s the lack of jobs; these riots derive from
conditions peculiar to France, etc. As one correspondent wrote, ‘You right-wing
shit-for-brains think everything’s about jihad.’
Well, it’s true there are Muslims and there are Muslims: some blow up Tube
trains and some rampage through French streets and some claim Mossad’s put
something in the chewing gum to make Arab men susceptible to the seduction
techniques of Jewesses. Some kill Dutch film-makers and some complain about
Piglet coffee mugs on co-workers’ desks, and millions of Muslims don’t do any
of the above but apparently don’t feel strongly enough about them to say a word
in protest. And it’s also true that it’s better to have your Peugeot torched
than to be blown apart on the Piccadilly Line. But what all these techniques
and those of lobby groups who offer themselves as interlocutors between
bewildered European elites and ‘moderate’ Muslims have in common is that they
advance the Islamification of Europe.
Just for the record, I don’t think everything’s about jihad. Rather, I think
everything’s about demography. It wasn’t a subject I took much interest in
pre-9/11. A decade ago, for example, I tended to accept the experts’ line that
Japan’s rising sun had gone into eclipse because its economy was riddled with
protectionism, cronyism and inefficient special-interest groups. But so what?
You could have said the same 30 years ago, when the joint was booming. The only
real difference is that Japan’s population was a lot younger back then. What
happened in the 1990s was what Yamada Masahiro of Tokyo’s Gakugei University
calls the first ‘low birth-rate recession’. It’s not the economy, stupid. It’s
the stupidity, economists the stupidity of thinking you can buck demography.
Let’s take that evasive media characterisation of the rioters ‘youths’ at
face value. What is the salient point about youths? They’re youthful. Very few
octogenarians want to go torching Renaults every night. It’s not easy lobbing a
Molotov cocktail into a police station and then hobbling back on your Zimmer
frame across the street before the searing heat of the explosion melts your hip
replacement. Civil disobedience is a young man’s game.
Now go back to that bland statistic you hear a lot these days: ‘about 10 per
cent of France’s population is Muslim’. Give or take a million here, a million
there, that’s broadly correct, as far as it goes. But the population spread
isn't even. And when it comes to those living in France aged 20 and under, about
30 per cent are said to be Muslim and in the major urban centres about 45 per
cent. If it came down to street-by-street fighting, as Michel Gurfinkiel, the
editor of Valeurs Actuelles, points out, ‘the combatant ratio in any ethnic war
may thus be one to one’ already, right now, in 2005. It is not necessary,
incidentally, for Islam to become a statistical majority in order to function as
one. At the height of its power in the 8th century, the ‘Islamic world’
stretched from Spain to India, yet its population was only minority Muslim.
Nonetheless, by 2010, more elderly white Catholic ethnic frogs will have croaked
and more fit healthy Muslim youths will be hitting the streets. One day they’ll
even be on the beach at St Trop, and if you and your infidel whore happen to be
lying there wearing nothing but two coats of Ambre Solaire when they show up,
you better hope that the BBC and CNN are right about there being no religio-ethno-cultural
component to their ‘grievances’.
Let me give a smaller example. In the Guardian the other day, Maureen Lipman
wrote a marvellous rebuke to Clare Short over her claim that American support
for Israel is the biggest single factor in global violence an assertion so
deranged it suggests a kind of societal Stockholm Syndrome. Miss Lipman is a
longtime Labour luvvie but I doubt that she feels too comfortable with much of
the British Left these days. I remembered those British Telecom ads she used to
do back in the Eighties, playing a nice Jewish lady who’s proud her grandson has
got an ‘ology’ in his A-levels, and I found myself thinking how unlikely it
would be for any major business enterprise in Britain today to promote itself on
TV with a Jewish-flavoured ad campaign. They’d never spell it out that
explicitly, of course. I doubt anyone would even propose it at the most
wide-ranging brainstorming session. But in the event of anyone running it up the
flagpole nobody would salute. Affectionate Yiddisher stereotypes would not be
received so warmly in the Britain of 2005. It’s a small loss, unspoken a
response to changing demographics, but also a reflection of how quickly those
demographics have been internalised by the broader culture.
Back in March, Chris Doyle, director of the Council for Arab-British
Understanding, wrote to our letters page. ‘Mark Steyn seems obsessed with trying
tirelessly to prove that he was right about the “big things”,’ he grumbled,
‘forgetting that he is not the story.’
Au contraire, I am the story. That’s to say, I’d have been happy to recycle for
another decade or so the same Clinton blowjob jokes that provided me with a very
easy living during the 1990s were it not for the fact that I’ve got three kids
under the age of ten, and it seems to me that by the time they’re in young
adulthood a lot of the places I know and love including, believe it or not,
France will be a lot less congenial, if not lost for ever. I’m in this thing
for me and mine. I am the story. And so’s Mr Doyle. And so are you. And, if you
reckon you’re not, you’d better be a childless centenarian in the late stages of
avian flu. Unless you act, you’re going to lose your world.
So the question is: do you think M. de Villepin’s one last shot of failed French
statism will do the trick?
Finished laughing yet? OK, on we go. It’s possible that, as Europeans often say,
the American century is over, and the hegemonic lardbutt is about to keel over
and expire. Anything might happen. Was it Timothy Garton Ash or Will Hutton who
suggested that giant space monkeys might suddenly descend and eat Cleveland?
Could be. I wouldn’t rule it out. But the point is that, while one can draft all
sorts of hypothetical apocalyptic scenarios for the Great Satan, the European
catastrophe isn’t hypothetical, but already under way.
Right now, the US produces roughly 25 per cent of global GDP. Most analysts
figure that by mid-century it will still be producing 25 per cent, and so will
India and China, but Europe will be down to 10 per cent. As National Review’s
John O’Sullivan has noticed, the three global heavyweights are all strongly
attached to traditional notions of national sovereignty, so European countries
which have bet on EU-style ‘transnationalism’ as a way out of their individual
weaknesses are likely to find that, far from being the inevitable way of the
world, it’s already on the wane.
And that’s the optimistic scenario. More likely, those Continental demographic
trends will accelerate, as they did during the decline of the Roman Empire, when
the imperial capital’s population fell at one point as low as 500. Some French
natives will figure that they don’t have the stomach for the fight and opt for
retirement elsewhere. The ones who don’t will increasingly be drawn down the old
road to the neo-nationalist strongmen promising to solve the problem. That’s why
I call it the ‘Eurabian civil war’. The de Villepin-Chiraquiste tendency will be
to accommodate and capitulate, but an unreconstructed minority will not be so
obliging and will eventually act. Meanwhile, it will be the Muslims who
develop a pan-European identity, if only because many have no particular
attachment to France or Belgium or Denmark and they'll quickly grasp that
cross-border parties and lobby groups will further enhance their status. The
European Union is already the walking dead, but the Eurabian Union might well be
a goer.
It’s remarkable to me how many European commentators cling to the old delusions
mocking Bush for being in thrall to his own Texan version of Osama-like
fundamentalism. I look on religion like gun ownership. That’s to say, New
Hampshire has a high rate of firearms possession, which is why it has a low
crime rate. You don’t have to own a gun and there are sissy Dartmouth College
arms-are-for-hugging types who don’t. But they benefit from the fact that their
crazy stump-toothed knuckle-dragging neighbours do. If you want to burgle a home
in the Granite State, you’d have to be awfully certain it was the
one-in-a-hundred we-are-the-world pantywaist’s pad and not some plaid-clad gun
nut who’ll blow your head off before you lay a hand on his $70 TV. That’s the
way it is with religion. A hyper-rationalist might dismiss the whole God thing
as a lot of apple sauce, but his hyper-rationalism is a lot more vulnerable in a
society without a strong Judaeo-Christian culture. American firearms owners have
a popular slogan: ‘If you outlaw guns, only outlaws will have guns.’ Likewise,
if you marginalise religion, only the marginalised will have religion. That’s
why France’s impoverished Muslim ghettos display more cultural confidence than
the wealthiest enclaves of the capital.
So what can be done? For the political class, the demography’s becoming an
insurmountable obstacle. When your electorate’s split between a young implacable
ethnic group and elderly French natives unwilling to vote themselves off their
unaffordable social programmes, there aren’t a lot of options your average
poll-watching pol will be willing to take. And the trouble with the social
democratic state is that, when government does too much, nobody else does much
of anything. At the very least, European citizens should recognise that the
governing class has failed, that the conventional wisdom has run its course, and
that it is highly unlikely that those culturally confident Muslims will wish to
assimilate with anything as shrivelled and barren as contemporary European
identity. Donald Rumsfeld, a man confined to the enclosures of thought, likes to
say that weakness is a provocation. And for the last two weeks that’s all the
French state has projected.
As evidence of anti-Europeanism in America, Timothy Garton Ash has quoted on
several occasions and, indeed, preserved in book form a throwaway line of
mine from April 2002: ‘To the list of polities destined to slip down the Eurinal
of history, we must add the European Union and France’s Fifth Republic. The only
question is how messy their disintegration will be.’ That may be ‘anti-European’
(though I don’t regard it as such) but so what? What matters is whether the
assessment is right, and after the last couple of weeks that prediction looks
better than the complaceniks’ view that there’s nothing wrong with the EU that
can’t be fixed by more benefits, more regulation, more taxes, more immigration,
more unemployment, more crime and more smouldering Citroëns. If you carry on
voting for the Euroconsensus, you’re voting for a suicide pact. M. de Villepin
put it very well: ‘What does it matter where this path leads, nowhere or
elsewhere?’ The Euroconsensus leads nowhere. Time to try elsewhere.